It leaves me wondering whether electronic campaigns through the media in accordance with the recent guide lines by the electoral commission are viable in Uganda.
There is no doubt that the Ugandan politicians have been doing campaigns through the media, though this was done in addition to the traditional campaigns of canvasing for votes through mass rallies. The problem however is that, as a result of the corona virus pandemic, the electoral commission has restricted these campaigns to radios, tv stations and the social media. In my view, this is not practicable;
The politicians may have the resources to be able to pay for the airtime on T.Vs and Radios plus data to engage the voters on social media. The problem is that majority Ugandans cannot afford to pay for the monthly subscription to access T.V channels and those with smart phones cannot afford data.
It is true that majority Ugandans do listen to radio stations, the problem however is that even those with Radios cannot apparently be able to pay for electricity or buy batteries for radios due to the effect of COVID 19 on the income generating economic activities
In addition, electricity supply especially for the rural areas is only limited to a few semi-urban centers. .
The story is different for the districts at the boarders, which in actual sense don’t pick any signal from the local radios save for those in the neighboring countries.
The decision to have campaigns only conducted through the media also puts the incumbents at a better advantage since these TVs and Radio stations are owned by them or by those known to the incumbents.
What will happen if I have radio or TV but I am a candidate? Can I give space to my open to campaign freely, what will happen is I support a particular candidate but privately owned a radio station or TV. Will I allow those I don’t support to reach out to their voters? Such questions and more cannot be resolved in the affirmative.
I am particularly aware of the fact that the electoral commission has stated clearly that it will not allow any bias from the media houses. This is not legally tenable. Save for the UBC radio and TV, there is no law that the electoral commission can use to compel privately owned media houses to dance to their tune.
The other issues is that not all candidates can afford equal airtime on TVs and Radios. Which will put at an advantage to those with means to pay and at a disadvantage those without means.
The overriding principal of an election is a free and fair election and it all starts from how the candidates were able or unable to canvas for votes. This principal cannot be upheld without a balanced campaign as envisaged through the scientific campaign.
From the foregoing, Ugandans cannot be able to exercise the power to determine who shall govern them and how they wish to be governed under the Constitution of the Republic of Uganda, 1995, the Parliamentary Elections Act and the Presidential Elections Act this is because majority Ugandans will not be able to determine who their best candidate will be if they cannot listen to them.
I recommend that the electoral commission engages with all stakeholders’ i.e. political parties and intending candidates to come up with a more agreeable road map to all.
It leaves me wondering whether electronic campaigns through the media in accordance with the recent guide lines by the electoral commission are viable in Uganda.
There is no doubt that the Ugandan politicians have been doing campaigns through the media, though this was done in addition to the traditional campaigns of canvasing for votes through mass rallies. The problem however is that, as a result of the corona virus pandemic, the electoral commission has restricted these campaigns to radios, tv stations and the social media. In my view, this is not practicable;
The politicians may have the resources to be able to pay for the airtime on T.Vs and Radios plus data to engage the voters on social media. The problem is that majority Ugandans cannot afford to pay for the monthly subscription to access T.V channels and those with smart phones cannot afford data.
It is true that majority Ugandans do listen to radio stations, the problem however is that even those with Radios cannot apparently be able to pay for electricity or buy batteries for radios due to the effect of COVID 19 on the income generating economic activities
In addition, electricity supply especially for the rural areas is only limited to a few semi-urban centers. .
The story is different for the districts at the boarders, which in actual sense don’t pick any signal from the local radios save for those in the neighboring countries.
The decision to have campaigns only conducted through the media also puts the incumbents at a better advantage since these TVs and Radio stations are owned by them or by those known to the incumbents.
What will happen if I have radio or TV but I am a candidate? Can I give space to my open to campaign freely, what will happen is I support a particular candidate but privately owned a radio station or TV. Will I allow those I don’t support to reach out to their voters? Such questions and more cannot be resolved in the affirmative.
I am particularly aware of the fact that the electoral commission has stated clearly that it will not allow any bias from the media houses. This is not legally tenable. Save for the UBC radio and TV, there is no law that the electoral commission can use to compel privately owned media houses to dance to their tune.
The other issues is that not all candidates can afford equal airtime on TVs and Radios. Which will put at an advantage to those with means to pay and at a disadvantage those without means.
The overriding principal of an election is a free and fair election and it all starts from how the candidates were able or unable to canvas for votes. This principal cannot be upheld without a balanced campaign as envisaged through the scientific campaign.
From the foregoing, Ugandans cannot be able to exercise the power to determine who shall govern them and how they wish to be governed under the Constitution of the Republic of Uganda, 1995, the Parliamentary Elections Act and the Presidential Elections Act this is because majority Ugandans will not be able to determine who their best candidate will be if they cannot listen to them.
I recommend that the electoral commission engages with all stakeholders’ i.e. political parties and intending candidates to come up with a more agreeable road map to all.
